Criminology Essays Merton Anomie Durkheim

Criminology Essays Merton anomy DurkheimMerton Anomie DurkheimHow does Mertons surmisal of anomy disagree from that of Durkheim?Durkheim usefully opinionualised the pheno workforceon of anomy, and I consider the context in which this occurred. I look at Durkheims examples of offense and digression and his discussion of fond solidarity to clarify how his terminations be unders in additiond. I discuss how, for Durkheim, anomie was a product of companionable change, resulting in blemish of favorable ropiness and I go on to examine why, for Merton, the judgment unavoidable reconsideration.I examine Mertons view that superior orderliness is in changeless flux and his distinction amidst anomie and strain toward anomie, between neighborly structure and individual responses, discussing briefly his five moods of adaptation, loosely divided into consent and distortion. Finally, I identify key points of difference between their two theories of anomie.Emile Durkheim conc eptualised the term anomie in The Division of Labour in Society (1893). In this treatise he discusses in detail the subject of amicable solidarity. Durkheim holds that all members deep down society argon a product of society, bound together by friendly bonds.Durkheim apply the term anomie to describe lack of loving viscidness or relative normlessness, where bonds break down or be undefined. (p.212) According to Durkheim this blurring of societal bonds fountains members of society to become detached from societal regulative constraints that govern and control their deportment and aspirations, leaving them with no set guidelines within which to act or to aspire, resulting in anomie.Durkheim was a positivist he was non interested in the atomic number 18a of individuals subjective meanings plainly aimed to identify and study divers(prenominal) social facts. piecey forces contributing to anomie tail end be measured only by their visible issuings as more or lesswhat forces are invisible, kindred gravity. Durkheim studied the observable effects of invisible social forces.Anomie give the gate be observed through effects much(prenominal) as societal disorganization and deregulation, leading to turn and unnatural behaviour but also social facts as personal as self-annihilation (discussed below). Durkheim suggests that an alienated affirm is more(prenominal) likely to be present during periods of social unrest, perhaps cause by social changes like increases and decreases of economic prosperity, due to the crack of traditional values (p.201)Durkheim believed that plague and deviance were socially constructed. Durkheim saw acts of wickedness and deviance as an integral part of societys worldly transition he suggested that a certain amount of crime and deviance is an essential component of the healthy functioning of society, and he suggested it reinforces societys moral code and causes social solidarity, change and innovation. Although c rime and deviance could hazard the stability of society, Durkheim suggests that a society without crime would also produce an unoriented cite. (p.226)In Durkheims treatise Division of Labour in Society (1893) he severalise between two suits of societies, characterised by their degree of social cohesion mechanical solidarity, which has strong social cohesion, and organic solidarity, which has weak social cohesion. Durkheim suggested that society has evolved from a mechanical society, base on similarity, to an organic society, based on difference. (p.226)Mechanical societies describe the solidarity make up in traditional societies these societies personifyed before the new-fashioned industrial era. In mechanical societies communities were smaller, societal bonds were stronger people shared incorporated norms and values which Durkheim described as collective consciousness. These societal bonds were reinforced by peoples shared religious beliefs. People in this society perfor med similar tasks and worked to get collective goals which benefited the hale group.In this type of society individuals were not as dependent on each new(prenominal) as later, organic, societies. In mechanical societies everyone was doing similar work and did not commit on others for their needs they did, however, rely on society to function adequately as a whole In societies where this type of solidarity mechanical is highly developed, the individual is not his own maitre dhotel. Solidarity is, literally something which the society possesses. (Durkheim, ed Giddens, 1972, p.139)Durkheim suggests that anomie was less likely to exist in mechanical societies because of societys strong cohesion. He states The state of anomie is impossible whenever interdependent organs are sufficiently in contact and sufficiently extensive. If they are close to each other, they are right away aware, in every situation, of the need which they have of one-another, and consequently they have an prom pt and permanent feeling of mutual colony. (Durkheim, 1893, p.184)The second type of solidarity, organic solidarity, Durkheim link up to complex modern industrial societies, suggesting that they are constituted, not by a repetition of similar, homogeneous segments, but by a system of divergent organs each of which has a special role, and which are themselves formed of unlikeiated parts. (p.181) In organic societies the division of labour increases and work tasks become more complex, specialised and tell.The labour force is divided at that placefore individuals are no foresighteder working on similar tasks but segregated to individualised tasks. Members of organic societies are highly dependent on each other to produce what they need. Durkheim suggests that this functioning is similar to the functioning of the human body, all different parts working on specialized tasks to sustain the being as a whole. just if the organ fails to function it causes the other parts of the organ ism that are reliant on that part to fail as well. This dependence is significant to the survival of society healthy functioning of the society is based on the reliance of others. (Durkheim, 1893, p. 226)Organic societies differ from mechanical societies as they are based on differences in individual functions, rather than similarity. These differences can cause members to become detached from society which in turn causes misidentification with society. The partition of interpersonal bonds (without which individuals lack guidance and feel detached from society) thus produces anomie.Durkheim noted that Man is the more penetrable to self-destruction the more he is detached from each collectively, that is to say, the more he lives as an egoist. (Durkheim, ed Giddens, 1972, p.113) This organic form of society, he suggested, was the cause of the decline of social cohesion and desegregation, and the creation of anomie (p.200). This is exhibit by Taylor, in his publication Durkheim an d the Study of Suicide (1982) Taylors interpretation of Durkheim suggests that self-destruction is present in modern organic societies because of the decline of social cohesionDurkheim held that in modern society thither were two principle causes of high (and rising) suicide rates (egotistic) suicide was higher where individuals were not well merged into collective social life and (anomic) suicide was higher when societys norms and values were too weak to regulate individual desires and drives The relationship between levels of social integration and regulation and suicide rates demonstrated that society exerted an independent enamour over the individual. In Durkheims terms, society was external to the individual, so much so that even such a supremely individual act as suicide had its roots in society. (p.21)Durkheim suggested that when social conditions change, the traditional norms and values needed for public consciousness no longer stick around the same. An anomic disengagem ent from societal restraints frees members of society from limits to their aspirations causing anomic suicide. (Durkheim, 1893, p. 203) Durkheim writes in Suicide (1897) that, The limits are unknown between the possible and the impossible, what is just and what is unjust, legitimate claims and hopes and those which are immoderate. Consequently, there is no restraint upon aspirations. (p.253)Robert Merton elaborated on Durkheims work on anomie however, he did not always agree with Durkheims supposition. Merton adapted the possibleness of anomie to a general sociological approach to crime and deviance. He considered that deviance was not caused by sudden social change, as suggested by Durkheim, but was, rather, a symptom of a constantly changing social structure. Merton was writing in America at a time when there was contrast between ethnic groups. Merton observed that not all individuals within society have an equal chance of success he believed that inequality in society blocked people from attaining the means needed to obtain their goals. M whatsoever Americans were aiming to hit the American dream and he was interested in how they affianced their goals, and whether or not dreams were equally attainable to everyone. (Merton, 1957, p.121)Like Durkheim, Merton held that crime and deviance were caused by society the functional analyst considers socially degenerate behaviour just as much a product of social structure as correctist behaviour (p.121) but Mertons view of deviance is different to Durkheims. While Durkheim believed that identifying deviance is a demonstration of societys norms, and a barometer of cohesion and change, Merton held that crime does not generate social solidarity or social progress and that crime and deviance demonstrate poor societal organization. Merton suggested that society does not evolve from mechanical to organic, but that society is constantly changing and generating new goals if not necessarily the means by which to achie ve these goals. (p.121)Mertons theory of anomie is not easily conceptualized in his writings, as he spoke about some(prenominal) anomie and strain towards anomie, which can be hard to distinguish. For clarity, I have discussed these as if they were two different concepts. Firstly, when Merton talked about anomie, his theory does not refer to the normless societal state identify by Durkheim. Merton suggested no society lacks norms governing conduct.But societies do differ in degree to which such institutional controls are effectively integrated with the goals which survive high in the hierarchy of cultural values (p.121) Mertons theory suggests that there is no decline or undefined nominal head of societal norms governing behaviour but a disjunction between cute cultural ends and legitimate societal means to those ends (Akers, 2000, p.143). Mertons anomie theory, like Durkheims, can be used as an explanation of deviant and criminal behaviour.Merton held that individual goals and aspirations are regulated by societal restraints unlike Durkheim, who suggested that the anomic state causes no limitation to members aspirations. Merton suggested these societal restraints put pressure on members of society to conform to societal norms. He held that an anomic state is caused by a de-institutionalization of societal norms. This occurs when society emphasizes culturally preferred goals and their achievement but does not emphasize the culturally approved means to achieve these goals any cultural goals which receive extreme and only negligibly qualified furiousness in the culture of a group will serve to attenuate the emphasis on commit practices and make for anomie. (Merton, 1968, p.235) This disjunction, Merton suggested, is the cause of macro-structural anomie. Mertons structural anomie theory is similar and compatible with what Durkheim suggested as both theories can be used to explain macro-level implications of anomie, but the development of the concept of str ain allows the application of the concept of anomie to individual experience of society. (p.189)This micro-individual level of anomie, Merton suggested, is caused by strain, and an anomic societal state is needed for strain to occur. In turn, the strain experienced by individuals fosters anomie. Mertons strain theory can also be used as an explanation of deviant behaviour cultural (or idiosyncratic) exaggeration of the success-goal leads men to withdraw emotional support from the rules (p.190). Individuals are more likely to pursue illegitimate means to attaining culturally prescribed goals when they are blocked from accessing the institutionalized means to these goalsThe social structure produces a strain toward anomie and deviant behaviour. The pressure of such a social order is outdoing ones competitors. So long as the sentiments supporting this competitive system are not confine to the final result of success, the choice of means will remain largely within social control. When, however, the cultural emphasis shifts from satisfaction deriving from competition itself to al more or less exclusive concern with the outcome, the resultant stress makes for the breakdown of the regulatory structure. (Merton, 1957, p157)Merton also suggested that some individuals are subjected more than others to the strains arising from the discrepancy between cultural goals and effective access to their realization. They are consequently more vulnerable to deviant behaviour. (p.235) Merton described those who are restricted by inequality. This can be used as an explanation of the suffragette movement women prevented from achieving their goals were provoked into deviant acts of protest.Merton identify five types of response to societal pressure conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism and rebellion. (p.136) The first two modes accept, and the go away three modes reject societal rules. Firstly, Merton described conformity which he considered the most common response to strai n. It describes the process by which people strive to come using the most socially acceptable means they have in stock(predicate) to them.This conformity to social values is cohesive of society according to both Merton and Durkheim. The second mode, ritualism, describes individuals who accept they have no opportunity to achieve their goals. These individuals plead what they have but are discouraged from doing more they dont believe they can become more than what they are. In effect, they join the conformists. (p.200)However, not all people conform. The third mode is rebellion this describes individuals who have spurned the idea that everyone can achieve success. These individuals have rebelled against the system and rejected socially acceptable means to achieve their goals. The fourth mode is retreatism which occurs when individuals choose to hold out of society, give up on their goals and make no apparent movement to achieve because they see it as impossible. Merton suggested this response is associated with drug addicts and alcoholics. (p.267)The fifth mode is what Merton called innovation innovation describes the process through which people conform to atypical forms of acquiring means however, they also seek success that would be undoable without taking advantage of illegal goals available to them. (p. 267)Each of these modes of adaptation demonstrates the individuals response to societal strain arising from anomie modes that accept societal pressures are not as likely to pursue illegitimate means.In conclusion, Durkheim suggested that anomie is caused by the undefined presence of social bonds. This undefined presence causes a decline of social cohesion therefore individuals become detached from society and recognise no limits to their behaviour.Durkheim also suggested that anomie is caused by the decline of social cohesion representative of todays organic societies, and that mechanical societies found in pre-modern societies had a stronger degree o f social integration, reducing the occurrence of anomie. However this view was not shared by Merton he considered that there has been no time when society lacks norms. He held that the presence of societal norms and their pressure on society and individuals causes anomie and strain towards anomie.Durkheim and Merton also differ on when anomie occurs. Durkheim suggested that anomie is present during periods of social change due to the disruption of traditional bonds. However, Merton disagrees as he believes that anomie can be found in relatively stable societies. For Merton transition was not from one specific type of social structure to another but a constant state of flux, with changing goals.Both Durkheim and Merton agree that crime and deviance are consequences of anomie. However, they differed on whether crime has value to society Durkheim held that some crime and deviance is a product of a normal functioning society, reinforcing solidarity and encouraging social progress, dapp le Merton suggested that crime and deviance demonstrates societal disorganisation.Durkheim and Mertons theories differ most powerfully on what constitutes the causes of anomie. Durkheim looks at anomie from a structural perspective, whereas Merton looks at the causes of anomie from both a macro and micro level, giving the theory a more detailed explanation. Merton looks in detail at the individuals response to societal strain not discussed intensively in Durkheim, as his positivist ontology did not consider individuals internal motives and drives unless they had objective effects.For Durkheim anomie is the effect of the breakdown of societal bonds for Merton, strain is a mechanism of anomie and can occur during anomic societal states strain towards anomie describes the individuals battle to obtain the necessary means needed to achieve their goals. Durkheim suggested that during an anomic state individual aspirations are not limited because of the undefined presence of societal norm s without these norms, he suggested, members of society are deluded as to what is realistically realizable (Durkheim, 1897, p.253). Mertons theory, on the other hand, offers an explanation for why social forces influence some people to commit deviant and criminal acts and why some individuals conform to societal pressures and why some do not.BibliographyAkers, R. (2000) Criminological Theories Introduction, Evaluation, and Application. Los Angeles Roxbury.Durkheim, E. (1893) The Division of craunch in Society, tr. W. D. Halls, (1984) New York Free Press.Giddens, A. (1972) Emile Durkheim Selected Writings. London Cambridge University PressMerton, R.K. (1957) Social scheme and Social Structure. 2ed ed. New York The Free Press.Taylor. S. (1982) Durkheim and the Study of Suicide. London The Macmillan Press.Thompson, K. (1982) Emile Durkheim. London Tavistock Publications.